A lot has changed, much remains the same

I am back (again) in Abidjan, but this time for dissertation fieldwork! It has been five years since I first came to Côte d'Ivoire, and the country has seen many changes in the interim. Here are a few highlights.

Infrastructure and growth

New highways! Ground broken for a cross-Abidjan metro system! Burger King! I discussed new infrastructure projects when I was here in 2015, but even more have been completed since and more put on the docket. Between 2011-2015, Côte d'Ivoire has experienced an economic growth rate of 9%, a huge feat for a post-conflict country. However, there are doubts about how sustainable this rate can be: even this year, price drops on cocoa have affected the growth forecast (and has led to widespread protest by cocoa farmers in the southwest). Further, the everyday citizen does not seem to have felt the effects of this growth rate: Afrobarometer round 7 (2017) results indicate that the self-reported unemployment rate has increased from 73% to 76%. Ivorian friends say they have seen the roads being built, but for them this does not translate to jobs and relief of economic insecurity for their families.

Insecurity

In 2012, when I arrived for the Fulbright, every few weeks or so there were attacks on police stations and barracks, with unknown assailants taking weapons and sometimes resulting in causalities. Police and military barricades were the norm as one traversed the city. In 2013, things started to look better – the President got rid of all of the barricades and the attacks became fewer and farther between. Fast forward to today: after two 2017 mutinies by former rebels now integrated into the army, security forces are much more on alert. There were two prison breaks in the past month. A few days before my arrival, a police depot was attacked in Abobo, a commune of Abidjan. The government accuses pro-Gbagbo individuals of fostering this insecurity. The mutineers are still rattling their sabers (literally), attempting to take over the mayor's residence in Bouaké on October 2, demanding back payments to the tune of $33,000 each.

Further, on October 10^th, an aide of Guillaume Soro, former rebel leader, current president of the National Assembly, was arrested and accused of hiding weapons in his home that helped the mutiny. Abidjan friends and colleagues expressed concern that this arrest would lead to violent confrontations between Soro supporters and the government, but so far things have been calm.

To top it off, security is also high due to recent terrorist attacks in neighboring Mali and Burkina Faso. In 2016, Côte d'Ivoire was the site of an AQIM attack, only months after similar attacks in Mali and Burkina. Metal detectors and bag checks are the norm at shopping centers and hotels, with particular attention paid to locations frequented by foreigners.

In short, despite the economic growth and the semblance of stability, there are still many issues preventing the restoration of rule of law in the country.

Justice

Former president Gbagbo is still at the ICC facing charges of crimes against humanity. His trial started on January 28, 2016, a little under five years after his arrest. In late September, General Mangou, who served under Gbagbo during the crisis, dealt a striking blow to the defense's case: indeed, Gbagbo had established a parallel command structure, based on personal ties and dependent on relationships with Blé Goudé (also on trial at the ICC) and Gbagbo's wife, Simone (charged but acquitted of crimes against humanity), with the goal of "maintaining control of power at any cost."  Gbagbo supporters do not seem fazed by this revelation: calling Mangou a liar, a traitor, and a double agent because he swore his allegiance to the Ouattara camp the day after Gbagbo was captured in 2011.

Political competition

A once promising coalition, the RHDP (which joined together the PDCI and the RDR) is crumbling. The RHDP is effectively why Ouattara was elected in 2010; former president Bédié of the PDCI threw in his hat for Ouattara in the second round of voting, pushing Ouattara's vote share over the needed 50%. And yet, the coalition was always on shaky ground: 2012 legislation to change the head of household laws in the country to be more inclusive was met with strong opposition from the PDCI camp, despite RDR's support – this led to a shake-up in the cabinet where Ouattara effectively ousted disloyal PDCI folks. In the 2016 legislative elections, former PDCI candidates who had run and even been elected under the RHDP banner were not renominated, choosing instead to run as independents (and sometimes winning) against hand-selected, loyal RHDP candidates. There is also discontent regarding the successor to Ouattara in the 2020 presidential elections: those RDR loyalists want an RDR face to represent the party, while PDCI folks feel that their commitment to the coalition should be rewarded with their own candidate, and it is now their time to shine.

The opposition remains fragmented, with the FPI (Gbagbo's party) only holding three seats in the national assembly. Time will tell whether this party will disappear as many former ruling parties so often do in Africa.

Impediments to voter registration in Côte d’Ivoire

Starting June 1, the Electoral Commission (CEI) has launched a major campaign to revise the 2010/2011 voter registration list. Basically the goals are threefold: to make sure that those who have moved or prefer to vote in a different locality (and voted previously) are in fact on the list at the right polling station; to remove those voters who have died from the lists or who have married and changed their names; and to enroll those who were previously not on the lists (those who are over the age of 18, those who failed to register previously, newly naturalized citizens, etc.)

A FAQ to be distributed during the sensitization campaigns

Papers
In order to register, one needs to bring one of two identification documents, either one’s certificate of nationality, or one’s national ID card. The catch is, the certificate of nationality issued before 2015 is no longer valid, as there were a lot of problems with fraud and so the new certificates are “sécurisé” and cost 3,300 FCFA (~$6) to obtain from the Ministry of Justice; many people do not have the newest certificate. What about national ID cards? Well, if you have it, you are set and can easily register to vote. If you never had one or you lost yours, you’ll have to request a new one from the Organization of National Identification for 5,000 FCFA (~$10); but to do this you need the NEW certificate of nationality, and you will have to leave the original with the ONI office, to obtain a receipt of payment until you receive your ID card. So, let’s say I lost my ID card last month, and I went to the ONI to get a new one. They take my original certificate of nationality, and hand me a receipt for the ID card, telling me I won’t have the ID card for another two months. Time to register to vote rolls around; I now no longer have the original certificate of nationality nor an ID card, and the CEI does not accept the receipt for the ID card as valid identification to register to vote. So I can’t vote, unless I spend the time and money to re-obtain a copy of the certificate of nationality, which probably takes just as long to obtain as an ID card.

This was the most common complaint about the process that I have encountered working with the sensitization agents; despite the fact that many people said they wouldn’t register or were uninterested in the process, many who were interested felt discouraged because their papers were not in order. And since the campaign was only for a period of one month, it severely limited who was able to register now. In particular, it disproportionately affects young people, as they are the least likely to have the papers needed.

photo: a young man who was able to register to vote with the old certificate of nationality; Divo June 2015

CEI itself

The CEI centers are understaffed and those who are there often left earlier, according to both of the teams I worked with. CEI agents defended themselves saying that oftentimes nobody showed up to register anyway, so why should they stay open? Additionally, the CEI has failed to let the population know where the centers are where they could register, so that was left to the sensitization agents; meaning if you were not reached by these agents in the neighborhood, you may not ever know where it is you were supposed to register.

There was also confusion as to who was supposed to go to the centers; on posters and even on my t-shirt it says “I will verify that my name is on the voter list.” However, many people went to the centers to do just that, only to be turned away and told that the centers were only for those who needed to newly register. About halfway through the month, the CEI changed their tune, but at that point many were already discouraged and did not desire to return. On top of that, we had one elderly woman approach us, saying she had tried to check her name on the list, but was told to go to a web site to see if her name was there; this supposed website of course does not exist, but also this woman had no idea how to use internet, and had purposely made the trip from afar to verify her name.

The CEI is underfunded, especially in comparison to 2010. International donors do not see much at stake in these elections, and those who have chosen to support it can only do so much. The population notices the difference, pointing out the fact that media campaigns on the process were much more widespread in the past, while this year it has been sparse at best.

Finally, the CEI has so far failed in its efforts – they were expecting 3 million new registrants, but have received around 400,000. Today was supposed to be the last day, officially, for registration, but they have extended the process by two weeks (until July 12). However, since the main obstacles seem to be about paperwork, extending by two weeks may not help the problem. The other question is whether they will extend the sensitization process as well.

Apathy and Acquiescence
Not really a direct impediment, per se, but people have lost faith in the democratic process associated with elections after the crisis in 2010. With an impressive 80% turnout rate (53% of the voting age population, which is the same as the US), people expected those elections to bring the violence and war to an end; unfortunately, the elections did just the opposite. People are therefore fearful and distrusting of the electoral process.

Furthermore, many people do not see the CEI as legitimate. The current CEI president, Bakayoko, was the CEI president in 2010 and it was he that declared Ouattara the winner; many believe that he should not be the current president because he has this partisan perception. The opposition has been calling for this to be changed since he was re-elected, by members of the [not perceived as neutral] commission.

Finally, there is the question as to whether Ouattara himself is legitimate, again bringing up the issue of nationality since both his parents are not believed to be Ivorian.

photo: a heated discussion with those who did not want to register because “their candidate” is not participating in the elections; Adjamé, June 2015

Divo: A tale of two neighborhoods

In a family compound, a woman turns a large roasting kettle full of peanuts while another sits on a low bench tossing peanuts in a basket to remove the casings. Several children dart about, climbing on large plastic bags full to the brim with peanuts. Here, the women tell us that they have registered to vote, that they heard about it on the radio.

A Dioula family eager to have their photo taken (Divo, June 2015)

Young men in the street approached us to inquire about the meaning of our t-shirts and to get more information on how to vote; once they learned they nodded and said they would go right then to the CEI center to register. A few streets down, we are directed to the Imam’s house, who graciously welcomes us, takes all of the posters and documents and promises to include the information in his Friday sermon.

The Imam of Divo, third from the left (Divo, June 2015)

On the other side of town, we step under an overhang filled with young men. Flies lazily circle plastic cups of palm wine sitting on benches; the looks on the men’s faces are not particularly welcoming. “We voted in 2010, and they took up guns and put our president in jail. Why would we vote this year?” enquires a young man who was more willing to open up when he thought I was from Sierra Leone and not from the CEI. The men in the overhang listened, not very attentively, to the speech given by the electoral education agents, but refused to note their names on the list to demonstrate to the NGO that they had been spoken to by the agent. We continue to a group of women making and selling attieke. One laughs when the topic of elections eventually comes up: “Who do I vote for?” The agent responded, “for your candidate.” She snorted and said “and if my candidate is not here? If he is in jail?”

One of the few men drinking palm wine who allowed a photo to be taken (Divo, June 2015)

These are two neighborhoods in Divo, Western Côte d’Ivoire. The first is called Dioulabouga, includes the mosque, and is inhabited by mostly Dioula-speaking Muslims. Of the 74 individuals we spoke with, almost 20 were tailors/dressmakers, several were taxi or bus drivers while others worked with electronics. Of the 23 women, only two had stated employment outside of the home, though I imagine those women roasting peanuts and making attieke were not only making it for themselves. The second neighborhood, Libraville, is near the Catholic high school and has several churches nearby. This is the heart of the Dida group; concentrated around Divo, they share their dialect with the Bété, the ethnic group which former president Gbagbo belongs to. Here, the occupation makeup was different as well: Of 41, 12 were planters or farmers, while there were more government workers and professors here than in Dioulabouga.*

The electoral education agents told me that with the Dioula or Baoulé populations, there is no problem; they listen, they accept the information with no protests. The Dida, they said, that’s where the problem lies. In particular, young men turn and walk briskly in the opposite direction when they see the agents, or if the agents do talk to them, they shake their heads, suck their teeth and protest that there’s no point in voting, there’s not going to be any real elections.

Retired government workers and current teachers, vocal about the political situation (Divo, June 2015)

This group of retired teachers and government workers implored me to write down everything they said and to convey this information and their photo to Obama; to ask him to change the president of the CEI and to stop supporting the President he (along with former French President Sarkozy) "imposed" on this country. Under Houphouet-Boigny, under Bédié, even under coup leader Gueï, they ate well, they recounted, but now old, retired men are hungry and can’t afford to pay their rent. “We can’t find food to eat, and you’re talking to us about elections,” they lament.

One could chalk up this attitude to poor losers since their preferred candidate lost in the last elections, but that would be misguided; the feelings of being wronged are real. One electoral education agent told me that they were chased from a village on the way to Gagnoa (towards the heart of Gbagbo country) where people told them that their families were killed, or arrested in the aftermath of the last elections. A dry cleaning shop owner told me that he had left Bouaké on foot with only the clothes on his back at the start of the rebellion in 2002; these individuals feel that justice was not served against those who had perpetrated massacres, human rights abuses, looting or outright fear during the 10 year civil conflict or during the election crisis. Victor’s justice is a common phrase as people wonder why Gbagbo is in the ICC while those who carried out treasonous acts during the rebellion are not; in fact, leaders of the rebellion hold key government positions and former rebels patrol the streets as new soldiers.

The concern is how these feelings will manifest themselves in the months to come. Two men said that they were rebels or would become rebels. Others said they wanted to see Ouattara removed, forcefully, from power. On the other hand, not all of the vehement opposition supporters alluded to violence, but instead to using the ballot box as a weapon: one man, when we were speaking with some of his female family members making attieke, said that they would all register, sure, but they would not vote on Election Day, to show that there is no candidate or real competition.

* This was of course not a representative sample of the population, as I was only able to cover parts of the neighborhoods over the course of a day. However, it is still interesting to see the differences, even within this convenience sample. 

Plus ça change…

So what’s changed in Abidjan since I left in 2013?

Landscape

One of the first things I noticed upon my arrival in Abidjan was how much cleaner it was. Shortly after my departure in 2013, the government forbade the use of plastic bags. As I mentioned in this post on Ghana, similarly in Abidjan everything went into (sometimes two!) black plastic bags, whether you were buying bananas, fried chicken, or groceries. Though not all plastic bags were deemed unauthorized, and though not every city is in compliance with the law, the results in Abidjan seem to be pretty clear to me: the grass on the side of the road is less littered with garbage and the open sewers swell less with black plastic.

Last rainy season, several neighborhoods experienced severe flooding, but in particular shantytowns in Cocody were especially hit: 39 died in the shantytown known as “Gobelet.” Those who have been to Abidjan before 2014 have seen this shantytown if they have ever made the trip between Riviera and II plateau as you probably crossed through Gobelet on your way to rue des jardins. It certainly is a precarious zone to build a neighborhood as it is crisscrossed by a creek and the valley does not look stable enough to hold homes. So, in July 2014, these folks were evicted (offered around $300 to skedaddle) and the shantytown completely demolished. It now looks like this:

http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/view-of-the-goblet-district-of-the-cocody-area-in-abidjan-news-photo/464034912

 Infrastructure

3eme pont, 3eme pont ! Alright, I was super excited to see and drive across the third bridge, named affectionately for former President Henri Konan Bédié (see photo below: perhaps to appease him so he would not run against current President Ouattara in October?), and whose construction made traffic a nightmare on both sides of the lagoon when I was here last. It lives up to expectation, I’d say: a futuristic traffic interchange precedes it in Marcory, then you have a long stretch of highway with signs that look as if they are lifted directly from the French autoroute. The bridge itself is long and straight, several lanes but rarely crowded because of the 500 FCFA ($1) toll one must pay when crossing both ways. The toll stations are the same as one would find in Europe, and they even have exact change! The bridge pops out on the other side near the infamous Golf Hotel (this is where Ouattara camped out during the election crisis; and where I saw Stromae last weekend in concert). It makes a more direct route between the airport and my neighborhood, as well as direct access to several embassies.

The other infrastructural feat to occur since my departure is the Riviera 2 rond-point. This is connected to the bridge, and during my stay in Abidjan, the traffic caused by the construction was particularly horrendous. Well, they have finished the work and made quite a nice traffic circle; the problem is that it did nothing to improve traffic conditions… it perhaps made it even worse as cars can no longer speed through this area now regulated by traffic lights (and the occasional police officer – yesterday I saw a lady cop giving a Gbaka driver a piece of her mind for running the light!)

These changes may be seen as positive for the president as he attempts to build up political support for the elections in October (well, maybe not evicting the shantytown dwellers). However, not everyone is impressed with Ouattara's "concrete" achievements: LIDER, an opposition political party, posted this on their facebook page (rough translation below):

"In saying that Ivorians want something "concrete," Ouattara must have been thinking about the English word, "concrete," which would explain why he has exclusively focused his presidency on constructing things out of concrete. What's concrete for Ivorians is the high price of electricity, power cuts, the state of disrepair in the hospitals and clinics, the piling up of heavy arms by the rebels, pharmacies lacking medicines, a bridge that charges too much and is not profitable, high taxes, partial justice, increases in the cost of living, corruption and a partisan electoral commission...We are Ivorian and the only thing we expect concretely from Mr. Ouattara is that he puts into place democratic conditions and transparent and credible elections."

These are just my initial thoughts as I close out the first week of my return to Abidjan. More insights to come!

Happy 2013!

As many of you may know, the year started off with a tragedy here in Abidjan; sixty people lost their lives in a stampede on New Year’s Eve in the stadium where they were celebrating the New Year by watching the annual fireworks show in the capital. Many of the individuals who lost their lives were children under the age of 15. President Ouattara called for three days of mourning, while investigations are underway to determine the cause of the incident.

From: www.facebook.com/SaharaDreaming

The city is currently covered by a brownish gray haze brought on by the Harmattan winds from the north. Because the sun is essentially blocked, the temperature is a pleasant 25 degrees here in the capital, even a little “chilly” in the evening. At night the streets are lit by holiday decorations, especially orange, green and white lights lining the bridge crossing into Plateau and all the way to the airport. The University is also decorated in Christmas décor, even though the holidays are over.

I apologize for the brevity of this post and the lack of posting for the past month. Between various conferences and school visits, plus the holidays, I haven’t had a lot of time to write. I will do my best to get better at posting more often!

Les fêtes en Côte d'Ivoire

The end of October brought us two holidays: Tabaski and Toussaint, which gave us two days off work and a chance to get some real cultural experiences while here.

Tabaski: October 26

Tabaski, the name of Eid al Adha in Francophone African countries, is one of the most important Muslim celebrations. Muslims are estimated to make up at least 40% of the population in Côte d'Ivoire, so the day is off from work. And a good thing too! Tabaski celebrates the sacrifice that Abraham made, when God asked him to sacrifice his only son. Since Abraham was willing to do it, God spared him and allowed him to sacrifice a sheep instead. Hence, Tabaski is the "sheep ceremony." Sheep were in high demand this year, and because many of the sheep come from the Sahelian countries (such as Mali, currently plagued by a rebellion and political crisis) the costs were exorbitant as the fête approached (upwards of 700,000 franc CFA = $1,400!!) You are supposed to slaughter the sheep after morning prayers, and then eat it all that day. That means inviting people over to help you finish it and sharing it with those who cannot afford to buy their own.

We were invited to a Tabaski celebration at a colleague of mine (see post about my arrival here, I mentioned her invitation). She was very welcoming, and served up heaping plates of fonio, a grain from the north, and sheep stew. It was delicious.

After eating, my colleague and her friend who had stopped by showed us how to do a dance that was associated with a song released shortly after Ouattara's win. It was the Ouattara Cucu dance!

Abissa – October 28-November 4

The following week, we had the day off to celebrate Toussaint, or All Saints Day, A Catholic celebration. Instead of heading to the église, we went to the beach! Direction: Grand Bassam to see part of the Abissa celebration.

Abissa is a yearly festival by the N’Zima people that lasts the entire last week of October. The N’Zima are part of the Ashanti ethnic group (yes, from Ghana, consider that it was at one time a huge empire that stretched across West Africa!) and living in the coastal areas near Grand Bassam, the old colonial administrative capital of Côte d’Ivoire. The city itself is quite beautiful; run down colonial mansions and buildings, remnants of the French colonial order. Grand Bassam is about an hour from Abidjan, so we headed that way with some Save the Children friends, ate lunch on the beach, and then headed to the Abissa festival around 3.

According to this site, “During this festival, social barriers are lifted and ‘anything goes.’” This was so very true; there were tons of men dressed up like women! (the whole get-up: big butts, boobs, wigs and dresses!) Women wore jewelry fashioned out of household items: match boxes, condoms, kola nuts, cigarette boxes…

Abissa is also the moment to publically denounce any transgressions one has committed, to confess to any wrongdoing (even the chiefs participate) and to bring about social harmony. 

Check out some of the videos and pictures I took here: Abissa .

Abissa

We didn’t stay long for the ceremony, but the music was enthralling, the dancing was impressive, and the cross-dressing men were just hilarious. 

« On dit quoi ? On’ê calé» in Abidjan!

After celebrating my one-monthiversary here, I thought it was high time to introduce you all to Abidjan and all its loveliness. The title is in Nouchi, the slang here (a mix of French and African languages) in Abidjan, and is a popular greeting and response.

Neighborhoods

Zone 4 – decidedly the most “hoppin” part of Abidjan, this neighborhood is the host of tons of restaurants of all different cuisines, bars, and clubs. During the crisis, many ex-pats opted to move to this area, to be closer to the airport, and one can certainly see their influence: sushi shops, pizza restaurants, all you can eat Chinese. But don’t think it’s only us “Westerners” hanging out here; you will find lots of Ivoirians in the ice cream parlors, on dates and chillin with friends. There’s something for everyone here. The downside to a Friday night in Zone 4: the route from our side of the lagoon has got more than a few police blockades. If you go in a taxi, expect to be stopped several times and asked for your identification. The number of road blocks increases as the night progresses. Solution? Ride with someone with either embassy plates or a UN vehicule, as they don’t get stopped.

                Cocody – this is where we live (Riviera 3). The Embassy is located in Riviera Golf. We have quickly come to pride our little neighborhood, making friends with our neighboring chicken chef extraordinaire (Moussa) and his alloco making colleague. 

We have a few grocery stores within walking distance, including the newly opened shopping center, Cap Nord, with a Casino grocery store and a MediaStore books and electronics shop. Riviera Palmeraie, just next door, has a few good restaurants, and a little shop that sells ice cream and has a bouncy ball area for kids. Apparently there’s a good Italian restaurant here too. The newly refurbished university is right down the road along with the Gendarme and Police schools, and construction for the third bridge is under way to connect our neighborhoods to the south side of Abidjan. Who knows when that’ll be finished, and it has made some interestingly frustrating traffic detours which taxi drivers try to use to their advantage to get higher prices from us.

                Deux Plateau – Is the next best thing after Zone 4, and is a lot closer and more convenient for us to reach. There are clothing shops, electronics shops, and plenty of restaurants to keep us happy. There is also the big shopping center, Sococe, with a movie theater and several shops. We also have a membership at the pool, which, when it’s not filled with kids learning to swim or adults being yelled at to learn how to swim, is relaxing and nice to visit. We also went to a lovely wedding reception, right across the street from the pool. This area is rather classy, though it does have a slum right round the corner.

                Plateau – this is where I work. It’s where most of the business magic happens, with the administrative buildings, major banks, airline offices, and other businesses located here.  It’s more or less dead after work hours, though there are restaurants (conveniently located near hotels, and rather expensive).

The entrance to the market

Adjame – The largest market in Abidjan is here, with its sprawling lanes and hectic movement. If you need anything you can probably find it here. Within walking distance from my job, but I try not to venture in without an Ivoirian guide.

Treichville, Marcory, Koumassi  – If you recall from my posts in March, this was my old stomping ground. Now I haven’t ventured over there as often, as it’s a bit far. However, Treichville has a large market that includes little Senegal.

Abobo, Youpogon – According to a police officer, these parts of the city are like the Bronx. We have been highly discouraged to visit them as Americans, and the same police officer said that everyone there has guns. I think this is a bit of an exaggeration, but it is important to note that these neighborhoods were Ouattara (Abobo) and Gbagbo (Youpogon) strongholds during the election crisis, and that arms did proliferate in this area during that time. On top of that, there have been several recent armed attacks here (against police/military, not civilians). But we also can’t forget that regular, law-abiding people reside here, and they are the majority, including several of my colleagues. What’s worse, Youpogon used to be the “hoppin” part of Abidjan’s nightlife, with several clubs/maquis representing the infamous “Coupé Décalé” music scene. If you are interested in learning more about Youpogon and its glory years and learning a little bit of Noochi while you’re at it, check out the Aya de Youpogon graphic novel series. I have just finished book 2, and am quite enjoying them.

Transportation

Taxi – metered taxis, though the price is always negotiable. These are orange, and will take you wherever you want to go, though they will complain if your route puts them in traffic (which, is just about every route, this city has a serious traffic management problem). Prices tend to not go below 500 fcfa and don’t exceed 3 000 fcfa, unless you are coming home from the airport at 5am and get a little (a lot) jipped (15,000 CFA – grrrr)

http://eburnietoday.mondoblog.org/2011/10/24/l%E2%80%99univers-des-taxis-d%E2%80%99abidjan/

                Wora Wora – these are shared taxis. Each neighborhood has its own color. The upside is the price (never exceeding 500 cfa). The downsides are that they don’t take you directly where you want to go, but instead to a common stop or drop you along the way to the stop. Also, you share the taxi with other people, so that if there are not 4 people already in the car, the driver is honking constantly at pedestrians to get more clients to fill it up.

 Gbaka  – the Ivoirian equivalent to Ghana’s tro-tros. 100-200 fcfa in the city. Once again, these only go to designated stops, but instead of honking at pedestrians to get in, the guy hanging out the side is shouting, sometimes appearing to coerce people to get in his gbaka (trying to cross the street from the grocery store to our house, the guys working for the gbakas all assume that we need transport and won’t cease to yell at you where they are going and get you onto their gbaka, even though you’re actually not going anywhere). You can fit a lot of people into a Gbaka.

              

 Buses  – old buses from India and Paris, these are always packed in the mornings. I haven’t ever taken one, because I don’t actually know where they go and drop off/pick-up. Perhaps this requires some exploration.

And finally, the weather

When we first arrived, we expected a lot more rain (check the weather channel and it will tell you it is constantly raining here, which is not). However, it has rained, and at first it was mostly in the early morning. As of late, however, it has been torrential downfall around the exact moment I get out of a taxi to go to work, oh joy. The Ivoirians call this “la petite saison de pluie." it’s rather unpredictable, but it keeps the temperatures low (in the 80s, and breezy!) I am certainly not complaining about the temperature, though it’s supposed to just keep slowly increasing to extreme heat in March/April. We’ll see.